Amid threats of private self-defense forces being created, Bolivian President Evo Morales took initial steps in dramatically altering Bolivian land ownership titles, a move that could further divide social-economic classes throughout the country and jeopardize the sanctity of the state’s natural resources. Undeterred by statements emanating from Bolivia’s National Farming Confederation, threatening the formation of self-defense groups to deter the government’s seizure of privately owned land, Morales has vowed to redistribute 48 million acres, or almost a fifth of Bolivia’s entire territory, within five years. Although land redistributed to this point has consisted solely of government owned property, any move to seize privately owned territory in Santa Cruz province might result in the long-threatened succession of Bolivia’s most prosperous province.
Consistently, Morales, elected largely through the support of Bolivia’s impoverished Indian population, has championed causes most intoned with this voting bloc. Historically, Bolivia has long been economically divided with the wealthy minority inhabiting Bolivia’s agricultural lowlands and the poorer, Indian population, mostly confined to the western highlands. Morales has displayed his antipathy for the inhabitants of the agricultural lowlands by launching the agrarian reform campaign in Bolivia’s wealthiest and most anti-Morales city and province, Santa Cruz. Santa Cruz symbolizes Bolivia’s former adherence to neo-liberalist policies, “imposed” upon the people of Bolivia by the Washington consensus.
Division within Morales’ Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) has already begun and is accelerating in Santa Cruz province, where former MAS stalwart and Morales councilor, Adriana Gil, is openly challenging Morales’ policies. Less disconcerting to MAS supporters than the youthful challenge being exhibited by Gil is the possibility that Morales, a mere four months into his presidential term, is already losing the support of his vanguard elements. Since taking office, Morales has alienated his country’s largest neighbor, Brazil ; drawn scornful criticism from the US and the European Union; and energized his political opponents, while cementing relations with Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez (see this WAR Report).
The open threat to form self-defense forces made by Bolivia’s National Farming Confederation could mean further division within the Bolivian populace. Morales’ administration has already stated its unequivocal position: any such group of armed combatants will be deemed illegitimate and apprehended by security forces. Historically, armed citizen groups throughout Latin America have formed to protect themselves against government repression and/or criminal, leftist revolutions. Initially, defense groups serve the interests of the populace but eventually metamorphose into vigilante groups, serving personal interests while profiting from criminal activities. Death squads and self-defense forces destroy civil, lawful society that once existed, jeopardizing the stability of the state. If Santa Cruz residents or specific segments of Bolivia’s populace resort to such means, large-scale violence will most certainly occur.
Peaceful, political opposition would be more beneficial to the residents of Santa Cruz. Morales is vulnerable politically. Creation of self-defense forces by the wealthy land-owning classes will play into his hands and that of the MAS, providing a rallying point for Morales supporters and solidifying an oscillating base of support. Additionally, self-defense and/or subversive forces have proven ineffective throughout Latin American history, with severe government repression culminating in the destruction of the groups. Morales understands the importance of Santa Cruz to the functioning of the Bolivian economy and will avoid an armed confrontation with inhabitants, unless directly challenged, and therefore justified, by illegitimate self-defense forces.