Russia Is Not Following Its Own Blueprint for Success in Cyberspace Against Ukraine
More than a week into its invasion of Ukraine, by many accounts the Russian military effort is not going as well as expected. Some movements have stalled, impacting Russian force supplies and prompting a 40-mile convoy to address these shortcomings. There is a general consensus Moscow has miscalculated its ability in winning the conflict quickly, strengthening Ukraine’s resolve against its belligerence and allowing the global community to unite against its malfeasance and providing financial and material aid to Ukraine. Moscow has had to rethink its initial campaign strategy.
Based on Russia’s previous incursions against Georgia in 2008 and Crimea in 2014, many expected Russia to unleash cyber attacks that would immediately and severely impact Ukraine’s critical infrastructure. As early as late January 2022, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) recognized the potential for Russian cyber attacks to go beyond the region, alerting U.S. critical infrastructure operators of this possibility, a warning that DHS updated in late February. Indeed, Russia has since executed a variety of disruptive and destructive cyber attacks on Ukraine’s public and private organizations. It conducted DDoS attacks and deployed WhisperGate Wiper malware prior to its invasion, and deployed Hermetic Wiper and Isaac Wiper before and during the attack.
However, despite their deployment, some are surprised that there haven’t been cyber attacks incorporating more destructive malware than what has been seen thus far. There has been some speculation that Russia might not have more sophisticated cyber weaponry to deploy, the result of Russian neglect to develop more advanced options. Regardless, if Russia has advanced cyber weaponry and has chosen not to use it yet or if it just lacks that capability, what is clear is that Russia is not adhering to the cyber/information blueprint that was successful against Crimea in 2014.
When it invaded Georgia in 2008, Russian cyber attacks built on what it had learned in the 2007 DDoS attacks against Estonia. The Georgia incursion was a watershed moment signaling the first time cyber attacks coincided with conventional military operations. Disruptive cyber attacks took the form of web page defacements and DDoS attacks against government, media, and financial institutions. However, Russia’s softer information war (e.g., propaganda, information control, and disinformation campaigns ) was markedly less effective with Georgia who executed its own information war that countered Russian efforts and ended up influencing public opinion more successfully.
Russia did a better job against Crimea in 2014, vastly improving its information-enabled campaigns as well as selecting targets for its disruptive cyber attacks. Unlike Georgia, digital malfeasance transpired while Russian military crossed the border. Perhaps more importantly, Russian cyber attacks focused on the communications space, and shut down Crimea’s telecommunications infrastructure, disabled major Ukrainian websites, and jammed the mobile phones of key Ukrainian officials. More importantly, Russia did not “invade” as much as infiltrate using troops for the purpose of securing the contested area of Crimea. This required Moscow to employ a robust information-enabled strategy that rewarded Russia with Crimea’s annexation without having to rely on the military to “take” it forcibly.
Fast forward to today, Moscow has abandoned that strategy in favor of relying on military might to achieve its Ukraine objectives rather than soft power. Cyber attacks have not had the type of impact that perhaps Russian leaders anticipated, and as such, they have at least temporarily focused on conventional military strikes to win the engagement. According to one source, while there has been as many as 150 cyber attacks directed against Ukraine, the effects have been more psychological than physical. Instead of turning to cyber attacks to impact critical infrastructures (like the one that it executed against Ukraine’s Western power grid in 2015 that resulted in power outages in the region), Russia has relied on missile strikes to render some Ukrainians without heat, water, and electricity. Moscow may have preferred to deploy kinetic weapons whose damage could be reasonably quantified with accuracy, and therefore were more reliable to achieve the desired outcome.
Moscow is even finding it difficult in the information space, something that it didn’t experience in 2014. The global community has largely come to Ukraine’s support, flooding social media and traditional news sources with pro-Ukraine stories, countering Moscow’s messaging. Large numbers of international journalists are in Ukraine reporting on events, further impacting Russian narratives. Internally, despite banning social media platforms in country, Moscow has been faced with anti-war protests by its own citizens, suggesting internal focused propaganda campaigns are not succeeding. Even the hacktivist group Anonymous has gotten into the fight, targeting Russian websites and disrupting Russian TV channels.
It appears that rather than capitalizing on its past Crimean success, Moscow has taken a step backward. Its commitment to using military force with a minor cyber component and an aggressive pro-Ukrainian sentiment has impacted its ability to control the information space. As a result, information-enabled activities have lost their power and ability to influence target audiences. There is just too many checks and balances that have united to expose propaganda and disinformation operations. This realization has left Moscow to rely on a globally unpopular military conflict.
Recently, unconfirmed reports intimate that Russia will soon remove itself from the Internet and relocate digital assets to local domains and servers in order to protect itself from cyber warfare. Moscow practiced this in June/July 2021, perhaps a foreshadowing of its current situation in Ukraine and in anticipation of digital reprisal should Russia engage in cyber attacks against Western states. Should Moscow successfully take over Ukraine, it may have surrendered its information operations prowess as a consequence. And if it chooses this drastic course of action, Russia will find itself an isolated country economically, politically, and digitally.
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